Stephen Harper has unleashed a whirl of protest in response to his decision to prorogue parliament. Some 27,000 people across Canada rallied in communities large and small, their activities and personal values captured on social media like Facebook and Twitter. Murray Dobbins suggests that it has rejuvenated the movement for Canadian democracy that stalled in the 1990s. He argues that movements are significant because they create the political landscape against which formal party politics are shaped:
Political parties do not develop policies and strategy in a vacuum — they assess the conditions, the parameters of what people will tolerate, the values that people hold, and develop their policies and strategies accordingly. From a progressive perspective the best outcomes prevail when both sides of this formula are working at their peak — when movements are strong and one or more political parties are smart enough, and share the same values, to take advantage of the political space that movements create. It is no coincidence that the most productive period for good social policy, the 1960s and early 1970s, paralleled the time when movements — student, anti-poverty, anti-war, labour, women and aboriginal — were at their strongest.
The last political movement to capture the hearts and minds of Canadians happened in response to free trade negotiations in 1987 – 88. That movement was initiated and funded by social justice organizations, labour and various civil society groups. As Judy Rebick points out, this one involved “none of the usual suspects.” Instead, it evolved spontaneously, unexpectedly from a dissatisfied student who set up a Facebook group.
It seems a trivial act to join a Facebook group, at least I used to think so. Can clicking really translate to commitment or action? Yet, everyone I talked to at the Parliament Hill rally was part of or knew someone who had joined the Facebook group. “You know when I’m at a rally,” said Trevor Strong of the Arrogant Worms before he started singing, “something has gone really wrong.” The power of networks is a subtle, yet powerful force. The act of sharing with our networks that something has gone really wrong reinforces our ties with them. For the longest time, our options for activism were limited to joining labour, church and social justice organizations. Yet, “in most places,” Judy Rebick emphasizes, “it was individuals rather than organizations who organized events.” The message is pretty clear: building and mobilizing our own networks are the new well-spring of political power.
Bridging online and offline life. Roy Mitchell invites his friends to an anti-proroguing skating party on Facebook. via Rea McNamara.
There is already a Facebook group on next steps. But the point of autonomy is we can all do something in our own way. “Don’t just join the Facebook group,” says Jesse Hirsh, “create your own secret group of friends and followers, and go out and surprise us with your shenanigans and savoir-faire!” But just how do you mesh hashtags, retweets, blog posts and comments with offline acts? That, he says, is the “challenge for the creative class.” He explains further in an interview with Rea McNamara:
The point is to make it part of our lives rather than a separate thing we can neglect and ignore. We take time to tend to our personal health and we make that practice habitual. Politics needs to be regarded in the same light.
Deciding what we are going to do with the power of our personal networks, and developing new skills and tactics that bridge online and offline activities is one of the most vital digital literacy skills.
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